Cooperation still the best driver

The US has not stopped intervening in the Asia-Pacific region since the end of World War II, and its continued military presence in the region somewhat contradicts its "pivot to Asia" strategy.

Ever since assuming office in 2009, US President Barack Obama has paid special attention to the Asia-Pacific region because of China's rise. The aim of the US' move toward the western Pacific Ocean is also to tighten control over Japan and the Republic of Korea, the two allies seeking to reduce their dependence on it.

As for Beijing-Washington ties, given their differences in ideologies, social systems and cultures, the US is still worried that China's peaceful rise will prevent it from intervening in Asia's affairs. China's diplomatic moves and ongoing military modernization have already made it difficult for the US to carry out its strategic deployment in the Asia-Pacific.

Although the US and China can hardly become strategic partners, their cooperation has to expand to deal with burning global issues, such as the Islamic State's expansion in Iraq and Syria and the Ebola epidemic in West Africa. In other words, while staying alert to and thwarting US designs to undermine its national interests, China could also adopt a more flexible attitude to and even welcome the latter's constructive roles for regional cooperation and governance.

Tan Hongmei, a researcher at Jilin Academy of Social Sciences

Chinese values hold the key to success

The West-promoted "universal" values will give way to diverse values in the long run since the emerging economies, such as Brazil, China and India, are on the rise. And although, compared with the US, China still needs years to see its values accepted by the rest of the world, its growing economy and influence in international affairs can make it stronger in values.

The US' superpower status can be attributed to its successful ideological penetration throughout the world: democracy, regional autonomy, market-oriented economy, free trade, collective security and the rule of law. These ideas have not only made inroads into most modern countries, but also contributed to the prosperity and stability of their promoters.

Understandably, some countries have cast doubts on China's rise because of their lack of understanding of the country's value system, which despite taking shape is not clear enough.

So, whether China can achieve the peaceful rise it anticipates will largely depend on whether it can overcome doubts about its values. If successful, it will clear the following confusions. Will China change the rules of the current world order or modify it somehow? Can it come up with better ways of dealing with the transnational ethnic conflicts? How should it selectively use its traditional culture to solve the above problems? In other words, China has to convince the rest of the world that its values can answer global governance concerns Western ones cannot.

Wang Chengzhi, a researcher at the Institute of International Relations, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences