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Italy shows allies are not US rubber stamps

By Fu Zhuo | China Daily | Updated: 2026-04-13 10:22
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This handout picture released by the Palazzo Chigi press office on Jan 5, 2025 shows Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni talking with US President-elect Donald Trump at his Mar-A-Lago Club on Jan 4, 2025 in Palm Beach, Florida. [Photo/Agencies]

On March 31, Italy's Defense Minister Guido Crosetto rejected a United States request to use the Sigonella air base in Sicily, citing the absence of prior notification and formal authorization for the flight plan.

Italy also made it clear that it did not wish to be drawn into a US-Israel-Iran conflict and pushed back against criticism from the White House over Europe's stance on the war.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, often seen as a close ally of the US president and widely seen as "pro-American", has consistently supported transatlantic cooperation, NATO coordination, and close Italy-US ties.

But this time, Rome drew a clear line.

At first glance, Italy's decision looks like a procedural disagreement between allies. In reality, it reflects a broader calculation shaped by sovereignty concerns, domestic politics, energy security, and national interest.

The core issue is sovereignty. Under the 1951 NATO Status of Forces Agreement, the 1954 Bilateral Infrastructure Agreement, and a 1995 memorandum of understanding, US military activity in Italy falls into two distinct categories.

Routine "non-strike" missions — such as logistics, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance — are pre-authorized. Operations that involve the use of force require explicit approval from the Italian government.

Sigonella is one of the key US and NATO hubs in the Mediterranean, supporting reconnaissance, logistics and rapid deployment.

Italian media reported that US aircraft had already taken off and approached Italian airspace before submitting their flight plan, while describing the mission as logistical.

Italian military authorities, however, judged the operation to be a "strike" mission, which under the rules requires formal government authorization, and in some cases even parliamentary involvement.

Both Crosetto and Meloni publicly declined the request, signaling that Italy does not intend to be pulled into the conflict.

Given the lack of clear legal basis, the absence of proper procedure, and the risk of being drawn into a volatile situation, the refusal is less a diplomatic rebuke than a straightforward assertion of control.

As Vincenzo Camporini, former chief of the Italian Air Force and the Italian Defense Staff put it, the decision carried a dual message: a technical rejection grounded in treaty compliance, and a political signal that Italy does not intend to join a conflict shaped by US strategy.

At the same time, energy costs have risen sharply amid tensions in the Middle East.

The Bank of Italy has warned that the country could experience very weak growth of around 0.6 percent in 2026. Inflation, fiscal pressure and rising living costs continue to weigh on households.

Public sentiment reflects similar concerns: many Italians are uneasy about being drawn into another regional conflict and are skeptical of US military action against Iran.

Against this backdrop, giving full backing to Washington would likely have intensified domestic unease and put more strain on an already fragile political balance.

For Meloni, the decision to refuse is not just about foreign policy. It also helps steady her domestic footing, reassure voters and manage political pressure at home.

The underlying message is straightforward: Italy's policy choices must first serve its own interests.

Energy security is the third factor, and arguably the most immediate one.

Since the Ukraine crisis, Europe's energy system has been under sustained pressure, with price swings and supply uncertainty shaping policy decisions across the continent.

Italy, heavily dependent on imports, is particularly exposed to developments in the Middle East.

In 2026, tensions in the Strait of Hormuz linked to the US-Israel-Iran confrontation further raised the stakes.

On April 3, almost at the same time as the Sigonella decision, Italy launched a rapid round of visits to Middle Eastern countries, becoming the first EU and NATO leader to travel to the region after the outbreak of hostilities.

The timing was deliberate. By engaging Gulf energy producers and pursuing new agreements, Italy is working to secure supply and ease price pressures at home.

In practical terms, energy stability is not a long-term abstraction, but an immediate constraint that shapes foreign policy choices.

For years, Italy has been seen as a dependable US partner in Southern Europe and the Mediterranean, often aligning closely with Washington on security issues.

What stands out now is not a break with that pattern, but a clearer sense of limits. Italy is still cooperating, but it is no longer following automatically.

On questions that touch core interests — regional stability, energy supply, and economic resilience — Rome is signaling that alignment has boundaries.

The Sigonella episode is one such signal: alliances remain important, but they do not override national priorities.

The author is an associate professor at the School of International Studies and director of the Italian Communication Research Center at the Academy of International and Regional Communication Studies, Communication University of China.

The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

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